Social and Cultural Anthropology John Monaghan and Peter Just Review
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I lived up the Amazon with Caboclo Indians for iii months at one point.
Fifty-fifty though I've read quite a few anthropology books, this was still interesting. One thing I learned was that the main tool of anthropologists was longI lived up the Amazon with Caboclo Indians for three months at 1 point. Practise you thinks someone might fund me to go and live with them for a couple of years? They have such lovely lives and I could do with a skillful long holiday. I'm swell at writing and I'chiliad ok at statistics also, then I'g sure I could come up up with a report at the stop of information technology. Now how to get that grant!
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چند وقت پيش چند تا عكس بى نظير ديدم از مجله ى نشنال جئوگرافى. عكاس يه ايرانى بود به نام حميد سردار افخمى. عكس ها مربوط به بيابانگردهاى مغول بود. اون دوره زياد شيفته ى مغول ها و تبتی ها و باقى ساكنان آسياى ميانه بودم و مى گشتم دنبال عكس هاشون.
توى اين عكس ها، قبيله هاى مغولی نشون داده شده بودن، با گوزن هاى بزرگ سفيدی كه مثل اسب اهلى كرده بودن و به عنوان مَركَب ازشون استفاده مى كردن. توى يه عكس يه دختر بچه ى مغول سوار بر يك گوزن بود. توى يه عكس ديگه يه گوزن نشسته بود، و يه پسر بچه بهش تكيه داده و
چند وقت پيش چند تا عكس بى نظير ديدم از مجله ى نشنال جئوگرافى. عكاس يه ايرانى بود به نام حميد سردار افخمى. عكس ها مربوط به بيابانگردهاى مغول بود. اون دوره زياد شيفته ى مغول ها و تبتی ها و باقى ساكنان آسياى ميانه بودم و مى گشتم دنبال عكس هاشون.
توى اين عكس ها، قبيله هاى مغولی نشون داده شده بودن، با گوزن هاى بزرگ سفيدی كه مثل اسب اهلى كرده بودن و به عنوان مَركَب ازشون استفاده مى كردن. توى يه عكس يه دختر بچه ى مغول سوار بر يك گوزن بود. توى يه عكس ديگه يه گوزن نشسته بود، و يه پسر بچه بهش تكيه داده و خوابش برده بود. توى فيلم هابيت صحنه اى هست كه اِلف ها گوزن سوار شدن؛ اما اين عكس ها واقعى بودن، جايى توى همين دنيا.
هر چقدر اين عكس ها نفسگير بودن، ايرانى بودن عكاس باعث دو برابر شدن هيجان مى شد: حميد سردار افخمى. با خودم فكر مى كردم يعنى كى بوده؟ چى شده كه سر از مغولستان درآورده؟ علاقه مند شدم و جستجوى مختصرى كردم و ديدم اين آقاى محترم، ماه ها رفته بين اين قبايل بيابانگرد زندگى كرده، اون هم بدون اين كه از دوربين عكاسى استفاده كنه، چون موجب بى اعتمادى بومى ها مى شده، تا عاقبت به عنوان يه دوست بين مغول ها پذيرفته شده و بالاخره تونسته عكاسى رو شروع كنه و اين صحنه هاى باشكوه رو ثبت كنه.
از اون موقع، اين زندگى برام شده بود يه جور رؤيا. از اون دست رؤياهايى كه مى دونى هيچ وقت براى تو محقق نميشن، اما دوست دارى توى جيبت نگه شون دارى و هر از چندى در بيارى و بین دوتا دست بگیری و تماشاشون كنى، تا درخشش شون سينه ت رو پر كنه.
اين كتاب چيزى از جنس همون درخشش رو بين صفحاتش داشت.
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تاریخ نخستین خوانش: دوازدهم ماه مارس سال 2015 م
عنوان: انسان شناسی اجتماعی و فرهنگی ؛ نویسنده: جان موناگان (ماناگن)؛ پیتر جاست؛ مترجم: احمدرضا تقاء؛ تهران، ماهی، 1393، در 211 ص، مصور، نقشه، نمایه، شابک: 9789642090365؛ موضوع: قوم شناسی قرن 21 م
ا. شربیانی
This book resonated with Barenboim & Said'southward 'Parallels and Paradoxes'; I remember its about trying to
What a relief from the turgid and paranoid academic writing I usually take to pile through. Yes, at that place are problems with Anthropological approaches, and yes there is no end to ethics discussions nigh representation, only how wonderful to read a book that states a confident belief in the worth and usefulness of stepping out of your cultural boundaries and attempting to see through the eyes of others.This volume resonated with Barenboim & Said'south 'Parallels and Paradoxes'; I remember its about trying to grapple with rationality without losing a perspective that is both intimately emotional and cosmically scientific - or perhaps with what Barenboim calls 'meta-rationality'. For me, this means using reason, but moving across its blandishments of last resolutions and infinite growth/progress and accepting that to be human is to be able to glimpse that which is not wholly knowable. We live for 70 odd years, but can sympathise the distance between stars, and the time it took continents to class. As individuals, we cannot take function in that history (our species' history will probably only amount to a ripple on the lake of eternity) merely nosotros can glimpse information technology. This is the wonder and pain of being human, and as Barenboim says, the lesson music has to give is that we must acquire to yield as much equally to manipulate.
This attitude shines through in this book. Arguments are fabricated in language, language is a tool of power. Arguments can defeat the purposes and processes of Anthropology. But there is no substitute for being there, there is nothing else.
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ต้องบอกก่อนว่า ผมค่อนข้างมีความหลังที่ไม่ค่อยดีนักกับหนังสือชุด ความรู้ฉบับพกพา ไม่อยากใช้คำว่าแขยงเลย พกพาจริงครับ พาไปไกล ๆ เลย... ชิบหายมึนหัวไปหมด อ่านไม่จบซักเล่ม!!!
จนมาเห็นคุณ Phakin N. (ขออนุญาตเอ่ยนาม) เพื่อนใน goodreads นี่แหละที่บอกว่าเล่มนี้ใคร ๆ ก็อ่านได้...
อ่าว ๆ ๆ ท้าทายผมเหรอ
จริงครับ หนังสือเล่มเล็ก ๆ เล่มนี้เหมาะมากกับการเปิดโลกทางด้านมานุษยวิทยาสำหรับคนทั่วไป เพราะมันได้พาเราไปรู้จักว่ามานุษยวิทยาคืออะไร มีคำกล
ถ้าถามว่ามานุษยวิทยาคืออะไร สำหรับผมแล้วบอกได้คำเดียวครับว่า ใบ้แดก!!ต้องบอกก่อนว่า ผมค่อนข้างมีความหลังที่ไม่ค่อยดีนักกับหนังสือชุด ความรู้ฉบับพกพา ไม่อยากใช้คำว่าแขยงเลย พกพาจริงครับ พาไปไกล ๆ เลย... ชิบหายมึนหัวไปหมด อ่านไม่จบซักเล่ม!!!
จนมาเห็นคุณ Phakin North. (ขออนุญาตเอ่ยนาม) เพื่อนใน goodreads นี่แหละที่บอกว่าเล่มนี้ใคร ๆ ก็อ่านได้...
อ่าว ๆ ๆ ท้าทายผมเหรอ
จริงครับ หนังสือเล่มเล็ก ๆ เล่มนี้เหมาะมากกับการเปิดโลกทางด้านมานุษยวิทยาสำหรับคนทั่วไป เพราะมันได้พาเราไปรู้จักว่ามานุษยวิทยาคืออะไร มีคำกล่าวว่าถ้าอยากรู้ว่ามานุษยวิทยาคืออะไรให้ดูว่านักมานุษยวิทยาทำอะไรบ้าง หนังสือเล่มนี้พาเราไปถึงจุดนั้นครับ
ผู้เขียนได้เล่าภาพกว้าง ๆ ของศาสตร์ทางด้านนี้ผ่านประสบการณ์ของตัวเองในฐานะนักมานุษยวิทยา โดยมุ่งเน้นให้เห็นถึงลักษณะการทำงาน รูปแบบวิธีการศึกษาและเป้าหมายของการศึกษามนุษย์ในเชิงสังคมและวัฒนธรรมผ่าน instance written report ที่ผู้เขียนได้ลงพื้นที่ไปทำการศึกษา ซึ่งมันทำให้เราเห็นภาพของการทำงานมากขึ้น
และตอนนี้หากมีใครมาถามผมว่ามานุษยวิทยาคืออะไร ผมก็จะตอบว่า เป็นศาสตร์ที่ทำให้เราเข้าใจคนอื่นมากขึ้นยังไงละครับ
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This wasn't i of the amend Very Short Introductions I've read. The subject is extremely fascinating, a field I wanted some very basic orientation to (a want that ofttimes leads me to the VSI serial) and the authors begin on a promising note, saying to look at what anthropologists do in order to understand wh
"Indeed, anthropologists may sometimes be carried away by the romance of their ain enterprise and value the 'unspoiled' traditions of a society far more the people themselves exercise," (26)This wasn't 1 of the better Very Short Introductions I've read. The field of study is extremely fascinating, a field I wanted some very basic orientation to (a desire that oft leads me to the VSI serial) and the authors begin on a promising note, saying to expect at what anthropologists do in order to empathise what anthropology is. They also cover a adept number of topics, including culture, society, class, sexual practice, and religion — but in a way that, to me, often felt frustratingly disjointed, more of a laundry list of topics and thinkers than a helpful synthesis.
That being said, chapter 2 on "civilisation" and chapter 5 on various modes of manufactured solidarity à la Durkheim (caste, class, tribe nation) were interesting despite the uninspiring presentation. One theme the authors striking on several times is unity-in-diversity across cultures, as when they remark: "Human cultures, then, seem to exist infinitely variable, but in fact that variability takes place within the boundaries produced by concrete and mental capacities. Man languages, for case, are tremendously diverse. differing In sound, grammar, and semantics. But all are dependent upon what appears to be a uniquely human capacity and predisposition for learning languages," (43). Additionally, they highlight three ongoing sites of controversy about the thought of culture:
1. The extent to which a 'culture' should be regarded every bit an integrated whole — For anthropologists in the integrated whole camp, they mention three leading theories: (1) full pattern (Gestalt); (2) code or program; and formal arrangement. For anthropologists in the anti-integrated whole camp, they apply the metaphor of a bricolage.
ii. The extent to which 'culture' can be seen equally an democratic, "superorganic" entity — Culture every bit an accreted and structuring coral reef (Alfred Kroeber) vs. culture as a shared site of "communicative symbols that [organize] variety" (Anthony Wallace).
3. How to best go almost drawing boundaries around 'cultures' — they talk about nationalism and the idea of an essence of a people (monolithic, all-encompassing) vs. culture every bit a process, open-ended and melding.
I establish myself firmly on the anti-integrated whole/non-superorganic/non-essentialist side of these disagreements. On the whole idea of a national spirit or essence, I especially liked Arjun Appadurai's betoken that "this premise [flies] in the confront of 'diff noesis and the differential prestige of lifestyles, and [discourages] attention to the world views and bureau of those who are marginalized and dominated.'" This point, never articulated as well as this, has always been one of my spontaneous dissenting reactions to essentializing paeans to "Western civilization," from the likes of Scruton or Bloom. The War does not appear to want a folk-consciousness, not even of the sort the Germans have engineered (Gravity'southward Rainbow 133).
On cultural relativism, I liked this passage: "Taken to an extreme, a view of relativism that consigns the members of different cultures to utterly different worlds would brand all translation impossible, including the translation performed in ethnography. As Dan Sperber has observed, 'the relativist slogan, that people of different cultures live in different worlds, would be nonsense if understood as literally referring to physical worlds', and an extreme 'relativist in earnest should exist either quite pessimistic about the possibility of doing ethnography at all or extraordinarily optimistic virtually the abilities of ethnographers,'" (64). Although, I probably ultimately concur with Clifford Geertz's "anti-anti-relativism," which deflates the entire issue'due south importance: "the crimes committed in the name of cultural relativism pale in comparison to those committed in the name of cultural and national chauvinism or, for that thing, almost any other 'ism,'" (66).
I also think this is a VSI that could do with a new edition, to aggrandize and update some of the content (information technology was published in 2000) — particularly, I thought, their pontification on "the end of nationalism," where the authors comically include a Reasonable Caveat that, of class, they tin can't be sure how things volition go, but actually information technology does seem possible that nationalism and various tribalisms will fade as globalism and a new melding cosmopolitanism takes over. In 2021 this seems very naïve.
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Faces expect ugly when you're alone
Women seem wicked when yous're unwanted
Streets are uneven when you're downwardly
When you're strange
Faces come out of the pelting
When you're strange
No one remembers your name
When you're strange
When yous're strange
When you're strange
(The Doors)
We're all strangers somewhere. No matter how much we consider ourselves to be 'children of the world', there's always going to exist someone that thinks of united states of america as strangers, complete with eerie mo
People are strange when you're a strangerFaces await ugly when you're alone
Women seem wicked when you lot're unwanted
Streets are uneven when y'all're downwardly
When you lot're strange
Faces come out of the pelting
When y'all're strange
No one remembers your name
When you're foreign
When you're strange
When you lot're strange
(The Doors)
We're all strangers somewhere. No matter how much nosotros consider ourselves to exist 'children of the world', there's always going to exist someone that thinks of us every bit strangers, consummate with eerie mood music.
To me, anthropology is about these strangers - which ways that it is about each and every i of united states.
You might accept the impression that anthropology is all about studying hitherto undiscovered people living in jungles or remote valleys - cut off from the earth - and information technology is! Simply at that place's more.
Yous retrieve that movie - Crocodile Dundee, where this guy from the Australian Outback visits New York and has all kind of adventures and strange experiences with the 'natives' of New York? Well - the Outback guy is pretty much doing what an anthropologist would.
In fact, this is happening all the time. As well equally 'avant-garde' civilisations monitoring, cataloguing and preserving information about 'archaic' civilisations, the opposite is happening too.
Judging by the rate at which we are using this planet up, we could practice with being studied and preserved for posterity.
Possibly a flake of pickling wouldn't become amiss too.
I couldn't really go into this book. It seemed to exist written past onetime guys - people that learned their merchandise from people that studied their merchandise in the 1950s. It could have washed with a fresher heart really.
A improve approach would be to explain anthropology in terms of Science Fiction movies. All those Conflicting and Predator movies would be ideal to start with, not to mention Avatar and ... and pretty much any Sci-Fi movie really.
In fact - when I think about information technology - aren't all movies nigh strangeness?
Let's take a random movie - 'Pretty Woman' - one culture meets another culture and they study and ultimately save each other - that'due south the essence of anthropology really I guess.
Aye - skip this book and go to the movies instead.
As I sit down here and tipperty-tap my fingers on the keyboard, I'm thinking about the new Terminator picture - Arnie'due south going to exist back!
Yay for strangeness.
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حقیقتاً مختصر و مفید به علم انسان‌شناسی پرداخته. با این همه کتاب رو به انتها نرسوندم. چرا؟ چون قرار نیست همه کتاب‌ها رو تا انتها خوند. چون ممکنه بعضی کتاب‌ها برای ما نوشته نشده باشه. سرنوشت این کتاب هم همین بود. کتابی نبود که به کار من بیاد. به همین خاطر تنها به خوندن برخی قسمت‌های کتاب بسنده کردم و در نهایت ناتمام موند.
ในเเต่ละบท จะอธิบายถึงคอนเซปคร่าวๆถึงสิ่งที่มานุษยวิทยาได้ศึกษา เช่น ชาติพันธุ์ วัฒนธรรม ชนชั้น เพศ ศาสนา เเละอื่นๆมากมาย พวกเขามีมุมมองต่อสิ่งเหล่านี้ยังไง มีเเง่มุมใดบ้างที่น่าลงลึกศึกษา
เเม้เนื้อหาจะดูหนักหน่วง เเต่การร้อยเรียงอธิบายทำได้ดีมากครับ ไม่ยากจนเกินไปเเละไม่ง่ายจนเกินไป ถ้าคุ้นเคยกับกรอบทางสังคมวิทยาเเละมานุษยวิทยามาบ้าง การอ่านจะลื่นไหลมากเลย เเต่ถ้าไม่เคยผ่านตางานสายนี้เลย ผมคิดว่าก็อ่านได้เข้าใจไม่ยากนะครับ มีบ้างจุดที
เหมาะมากกับการเป็นหนังสือเล่มเเรกในการเข้าใจโลกของมานุษยวิทยาในเเต่ละบท จะอธิบายถึงคอนเซปคร่าวๆถึงสิ่งที่มานุษยวิทยาได้ศึกษา เช่น ชาติพันธุ์ วัฒนธรรม ชนชั้น เพศ ศาสนา เเละอื่นๆมากมาย พวกเขามีมุมมองต่อสิ่งเหล่านี้ยังไง มีเเง่มุมใดบ้างที่น่าลงลึกศึกษา
เเม้เนื้อหาจะดูหนักหน่วง เเต่การร้อยเรียงอธิบายทำได้ดีมากครับ ไม่ยากจนเกินไปเเละไม่ง่ายจนเกินไป ถ้าคุ้นเคยกับกรอบทางสังคมวิทยาเเละมานุษยวิทยามาบ้าง การอ่านจะลื่นไหลมากเลย เเต่ถ้าไม่เคยผ่านตางานสายนี้เลย ผมคิดว่าก็อ่านได้เข้าใจไม่ยากนะครับ มีบ้างจุดที่ต้องใช้สมาธิมากๆอยู่บ้าง เเต่ก็ส่วนน้อย นอกนั้นอ่านเพลินมากจริงๆ
สิ่งที่นักมานุษยวิทยาพยายามบอกเราก็คือ ไม่มีสิ่งใดคือความจริงสากล ทุกสิ่งทุกอย่างมีความหลากหลายอยู่ในตัว ไม่มีความคิดความเชื่อใดที่จะดำรงอยู่ในลักษณะที่เป็นความจริงเเท้เเน่นอน
ความหลากหลายคือความจริง เเต่เป็นความจริงที่คนเราไม่ยอมรับมันเท่าไหร่เลย...
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Ordinarily inroductions are compiled equally textbooks serving the reader with definitions and typologies of the basic scientific language.
This brusk book however, approaches some of the most interesting written report subjects of anthroplogy past offering an example from the career of the writers, and then deconstructing it through several different scientific theories and viewpoints.
Piece of cake to read and piece of cake to understand, a great starting p A brusque, articulate, intelligent introduction to the subject area of anthropology.
Usually inroductions are compiled as textbooks serving the reader with definitions and typologies of the bones scientific language.
This short volume withal, approaches some of the most interesting study subjects of anthroplogy by offering an example from the career of the writers, and then deconstructing it through several different scientific theories and viewpoints.
Like shooting fish in a barrel to read and piece of cake to sympathise, a great starting indicate for anyone seriously interested in cultural anthropology and its many facets. ...more
This short introduction shows how anthropologists recall rather than what anthropology is. Information technology refers to well-nigh all major topics with abundant examples some of which are from authors' own fields. If you want the overview of the history of anthropology, this might be inadequate. Merely still, a well-written nice introduction for beginn Having prepared for my specialization of anthropology, I plant that I'd never read an introductory volume of it written in English. And then I chose this 1 for the first step.
This short introduction shows how anthropologists remember rather than what anthropology is. It refers to almost all major topics with arable examples some of which are from authors' ain fields. If y'all want the overview of the history of anthropology, this might be inadequate. But still, a well-written nice introduction for beginners. ...more
I read some of the other reviews. Many deem this too pedantic, likewise academic. I constitute it to exist not almost every bit intellectually stimulating as the other VSIs that I have read. There are some skillful thoughts, merely nothing earth shattering. I have never taken a course in anthropology or socio This is the first of these VSIs that I decided to read that is far removed from my formal discipline. It has also been my least favorite so far, merely I don't believe 1 observation to be the explanation for the other.
I read some of the other reviews. Many deem this too pedantic, too academic. I establish it to be not almost as intellectually stimulating equally the other VSIs that I have read. There are some good thoughts, but zero earth shattering. I take never taken a course in anthropology or sociology for that matter. Thus I expected to learn a fair corporeality, but alas, was unfulfilled.
I expected a history of the subject with highlights of the contribution of key players. There is some of that just less than predictable. When the authors were focusing on explaining the inquiry practices of anthropologists, I thought possibly I would get an explanations with applications from within their research. A trifle, but certainly not the focus. Okay, and so perhaps a history of the discipline and the applications to many other cultures? Again, some mentions, but non the focus.
In terms of the language used to brainwash the lay person or undergraduate, this is a lovely text. I have marveled at the skill of the other VSI writers to summarize their disciplines so succinctly. I feel as though these chaps didn't draw out the blue prints earlier starting construction and changed their contractors a couple times. ...more
A very short though very rich intro to anthropology and absolute pleasance to read even if you're already familiar with these theories. Most introductory texts are oriented on theories and have more encyclopaedic structure. This book differs from that style by mostly telling stories from 2 ethnographies by the authors themselves, while using these stories to illustrate anthropological theories.
A very brusk though very rich intro to anthropology and accented pleasure to read even if you lot're already familiar with these theories. ...more
Does anthropology present besides small a cross department of interesting topics to be engaging, or united states of america this simply a weak book? I'll have to try again to find out.
I decided it was time to learn a fleck well-nigh anthropology,. But this volume really didn't practise anything to awaken an interest in me.Does anthropology present too small a cross department of interesting topics to be engaging, or us this just a weak book? I'll have to endeavour again to find out.
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Hither are some of my favorite quotes:
If the manner one perceives the world is a product of one's culture, then fifty-fifty more so are the behavior, values, and social norms that govern 1's behaviour. On what basis, then, can whatsoever i society merits a monopoly on moral truth or claim to have discovered a superior set of norms and values? Behaviour that might be nonsensical, illegal, or immoral in 1 society might exist perfectly rational and socially accustomed in another. ... I wonders, ultimately, if it is logically possible to simultaneously subscribe to both the notion of universal human rights and a belief in the relativity of cultures. (p. 60,62)
In the same manner, anthropologists have long regarded the 'outsider's perspective' they bring to their subjects as one of the principal advantages of ethnographic method. A person studying his or her own civilisation can be likened to a fish trying to draw h2o. While the insider is capable of noticing subtle local variations, the outsider is far more than likely to notice the tacit understandings that local people take for granted as 'common sense' or 'natural' categories of idea. (p.41)
The ethnographer faces more subtle difficulties, too. Locally powerful individuals may try to use the ethnographer equally a prize or a pawn in their rivalries. Members of the community may have an exaggerated idea of what the ethnographer can do for them, and make persistent demands that cannot exist met. At the aforementioned time, the ethnographer often experiences the great joy of making new friends and the thrill of seeing and doing things he or she would never otherwise have been able to see or do. Equally a mean solar day-to-day feel, fieldwork can exist filled with abruptly alternating emotional highs and lows. (p. 33)
Dialogue is the backbone of ethnography. While anthropologists make utilize of a variety of techniques to elicit and record data, the interview is by far the most important. Interviews can range in formality from highly structured question-and-answer sessions with indigenous specialists, to the recording of life histories, to informal conversations, or to a adventure substitution during an unanticipated run across. Ultimately, the central to ethnographic success is being there, bachelor to find, available to follow up, available to take advantage of the risk effect. (p. 34)
Among the moral, philosophical, and political consequences of the emergence of the concept of civilization has been the development of a doctrine of 'cultural relativism'. Nosotros offset from the premise that our beliefs, morals, behaviours – fifty-fifty our very perceptions of the earth around us – are the products of civilisation, learned equally members of the communities in which we are reared. If, equally we believe, the content of culture is the production of the capricious, historical feel of a people, so what we are equally social beings is also an arbitrary, historical product. Because civilisation and then deeply and broadly determines our worldview, information technology stands to reason that nosotros tin can accept no objective basis for asserting that one such worldview is superior to another, or that 1 worldview tin can exist used as a yardstick to measure out another. In this sense, cultures tin can only be judged relative to ane another, and the pregnant of a given belief or behaviour must first and foremost be understood relative to its ain cultural context. That, in a nutshell, is the basis of what has come to be chosen cultural relativism. (p. 59)
Information technology is important to understand that many anthropologists, especially in the United states, regard relativism not as a dogma or an ideological desideratum, but, at middle, every bit an empirical finding. (p. 59)
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Source: https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/334271.Social_and_Cultural_Anthropology
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